Photo: Nick Shepherd/Getty Images/Ikon Images
Does white identity deserve a place in politics? The question may seem absurd, though for different reasons depending on where you stand. For many on the left, whiteness is already implicit in nearly every aspect of Western politics and culture; white people have woven their own particularistic identity into the very fabric of our shared political life, stigmatizing and suppressing any expressions of difference. According to some popular theories of race, moreover, whiteness itself is something of a delusion, a pseudo-ethnicity invented to legitimize the domination of others (the writer Ta-Nehisi Coates thus refers not to white people but to “people who believe themselves to be white”). To positively assert a white identity is, in this view, an act of racial aggression. Conservatives, of course, reject this narrative. They tend to see the dominant culture as, in principle, universal and condemn as divisive any attempt to code it as “white.” Although they may believe it is hypocritical for the left to promote minority identities while disapproving of white identity, their solution is typically to criticize “identity politics” altogether — everyone, white and nonwhite, should think of themselves as an individual, or else as a member of some nonethnic community like their church, neighborhood, or nation. White identity politics, whether in the form of Trump or the alt-right, is no better than — and is in fact the mirror image of — the left-wing identity politics they have been warning about for decades.
This bipartisan aversion to white identity is the target of Whiteshift, a fascinating new book by the political scientist Eric Kaufmann. Kaufmann claims that despite our best collective efforts to repress the topic, white identity concerns are already in the process of reshaping politics across the West. Migration-driven demographic change is polarizing white electorates, pitting group-oriented whites determined to resist their decline against cosmopolitan whites who accept or even cheer it, leading to the liberal-internationalist versus populist-nationalist split we see in nearly every Western country. More controversially, Kaufmann argues that the identity-based concerns of whites who oppose or fear their demographic decline should not be considered racist, and that it is neither possible nor desirable for the mainstream to suppress or condemn them. Instead of assuming that all political expressions of white identity are motivated by prejudice, Kaufmann calls for a new “‘cultural contract,’ in which everyone,” white and nonwhite, “gets to have a secure, culturally rich ethnic identity as well as a thin, culturally neutral and future-oriented national identity.”
Whiteshift is a sprawling tome. More than 500 pages long, it includes detailed chapters on the history of immigration politics and policy in North America and Europe; the rise of contemporary anti-racism norms; patterns of white social and residential segregation; and long-term demographic projections on the future racial makeup of Western societies. The book’s title refers to Kaufmann’s prediction that over the coming century, Western countries will become majority mixed-race due to migration-driven demographic change, but that these mixed-race majorities will continue to identify with “white” symbols, cultural markers, and myths of ancestry. (Kaufmann, who has an Anglo name and passes as white despite being one-quarter Latino and one-quarter Chinese, offers himself as an example of how such continuity might work in practice.) In the very long term, that is, Kaufmann argues that demographic change will lead to a shift in who gets categorized as white rather than to a permanent “majority-minority” situation. In the meantime, however, he predicts that the conflict between those who wish to slow this transformation and those who wish to accelerate it will become the defining cleavage of Western politics.
In fact, at the center of Whiteshift is the argument that this conflict is already reshaping our politics. In Kaufmann’s view, white identity concerns, not economics, are behind the rise of right-wing populism. For all the attempts to explain populism as a backlash to inequality or a revolt of the losers of globalization, Kaufmann, drawing on his own research and that of colleagues such as Karen Stenner and Ashley Jardina, sees it as an expression of conservative white opposition to demographic change. Among whites in the United States, for instance, support for Trump was strongly predicted by psychological conservatism and authoritarianism, white identity and ethnic consciousness, and opposition to immigration. (Similar measures predicted support for Brexit in the U.K.) Kaufmann also cites suggestive research not directly related to the election, such as Maureen Craig and Jennifer Richeson’s finding that whites, after reading a passage about their demographic decline, displayed greater levels of in-group bias and support for the GOP.
Kaufmann is not the first to suggest that populism is an expression of white demographic anxiety. Versions of this argument have been made before, often becoming, in simplified form, the basis of a morality tale in which Trump voters are racist authoritarians whose only real goal is to maintain white supremacy. Yet Kaufmann believes that it is perfectly legitimate for whites to prefer immigration restriction for cultural reasons, and criticizes the expansive elite anti-racism norms that see this preference as racist. These norms, according to Kaufmann, make it difficult for mainstream politicians to respond to their voters’ actual concerns, producing a vast unmet demand for restrictionist policies that the populist right is well-positioned to meet. They also lead restrictionist voters and politicians, who oppose immigration for cultural reasons but fear accusations of racism, to invent spurious economic or security rationales to justify their preferences. “Paradoxically,” Kaufmann writes, “it becomes more acceptable to complain about immigrant crime, welfare dependency, terrorism or wage competition than to voice a sense of loss and anxiety about the decline of one’s group or a white-Christian tradition of nationhood.” Consider the debate over Trump’s border wall. The president has cited terrorism, drug and human trafficking, and immigrant crime as reasons to build the wall, tarring immigrants as criminals while offering a policy that would do little to address his stated concerns. It would be far better, in Kaufmann’s view, if the president — or at least, the more intelligent of his advisers and supporters — were just to admit that what what really made them anxious about immigration was demographic change.
Kaufmann spends a good deal of time in the book criticizing the idea that white demographic anxiety — or white group attachment more generally — is racist. He attributes this idea to an ideology that he calls “left-modernism,” which can be thought of as a more precise term for what people mean when they say political correctness. Kaufmann traces the origins of left-modernism to the bohemian counterculture of early 20th-century New York, when WASP intellectuals like Randolph Bourne began to argue that “white ethnics” like Jews and Catholics should remain distinct rather than assimilate to the American mainstream. At the same time, he called on WASPs to abandon their own stultifying culture and become cosmopolitan individualists — a view Kaufmann dubs “asymmetrical multiculturalism,” since the dominant culture is not considered one of the multiple cultures worthy of being preserved. After the civil-rights movement, this framework was updated, with whites taking the place of the WASPs and blacks, Native Americans, and newer nonwhite immigrant groups taking the place of the old white ethnics. And as both left-modernism and anti-racism norms expanded via higher education and the mass media, Kaufmann argues that the two fused: “racism” came to describe not only acts of overt prejudice, hostility, or discrimination, but any violation of the left-modernist expectation that whites eschew group attachments and become cosmopolitans.
Kaufmann thinks this latter step was a mistake. He sees individualist cosmopolitanism as a lifestyle preference suited to psychological liberals, but one that psychological authoritarians and conservatives, who are more attached to their group identity, will invariably find alienating. He thus sees the attempt to force group-oriented whites to celebrate diversity or celebrate their own demographic decline as a form of cultural imperialism, akin to forcing Protestants to attend mass. Kaufmann, moreover, is at pains to show that whites who identify with their group are not necessarily racist. He highlights the work of the social psychologist Marilynn Brewer, who argues that across a variety of cultural contexts, in-group attachment is “independent of negative attitudes toward outgroups.” He cites data from the 2016 ANES survey showing that American whites who feel warmly toward whites also tend to feel warmly toward blacks. And he highlights his own surveys, in which he asks respondents in number of mostly Western countries whether it is racist for whites (or, in nonwhite countries, members of the majority) to prefer to restrict immigration in order to preserve their share of the population. Most say it isn’t, although the United States has the largest share of people saying that it is (36 percent), with massive gaps based on education and party affiliation — 83.9 percent of white Clinton voters with college degrees say it’s racist, compared to 58.3 percent of minority Clinton voters and 5.5 percent of white Trump voters with less than a high-school degree. Kaufmann also points out that, in the United States at least, around one-third of Asians and Latinos favor the same sort of “ethno-traditional nationalism” as do group-oriented whites — that is to say, they see the country’s “white” symbols and cultural traditions (e.g., Christopher Columbus) as an integral part of what they like about America, rather than as relics of a racist past that needs to be overcome.
Ultimately, Kaufmann argues that the best thing would be to accept a moderate form of white identity politics as a more benign alternative to contemporary populism, which in his view is merely a sublimated form of ethno-nationalism. That can sound, written out, as a sort of brief for white nationalism-lite. At Vox, Zach Beauchamp makes precisely this accusation, arguing that Kaufmann’s accommodating view of white identity politics, combined with his criticisms of social justice, “makes it possible to see whites as a victimized class maligned by social justice warriors, and even swinging all the way around to embracing white ethno-nationalism.” While Kaufmann doesn’t directly endorse far-right politicians, Beauchamp argues, “he is making them more respectable all the same.”
Whether or not Kaufmann is making Trump or Marine Le Pen more respectable is an open question — my own sense is that their future successes or failures will have little to do with academics opposed to political correctness. But it’s worth noting that Kaufmann, though critical of some of the expansive claims of racism made by the left, is somewhat unique among center-right intellectuals in chastising conservatives and centrists who ask minorities to repress their own identities in favor of civic nationalism or some other unifying identity. “Ethnic identity,” he writes, “is not inherently toxic, as some on the right believe, but, like religion or partisanship, needs to be moderate.” His ideal is what he terms a “symmetrical multiculturalism,” in which all groups, both minority and majority, are allowed to express their interests or celebrate their identities within the bounds of a larger commitment to the national whole. “At present,” Kaufmann argues:
What happens is that minorities set out identity-based concerns which many whites reject as divisive because they have been forced by left-modernism to repress their own ethnicity or because they can’t see that their ‘national’ interests may actually consist of sublimated ethnic desires. If whites set out some explicit identity interests apart from those of the nation, this could allow them to better appreciate minority claims and vice-versa, producing a shared understanding … The current dispensation in which white conservatives attack even moderate minority interests as ‘identity politics’ only leads to polarization.
It would be easy to throw out some objections on behalf of my left-modernist readers here: What, exactly, are “white interests”? Even if they exist, who’s to say that they won’t inevitably be tinged with racism or feelings of superiority? And isn’t the whole weight of our country’s history already tilted toward the expression of whites’ “sublimated ethnic desires”? All fair enough. But Kaufmann has done something exceedingly rare among center-right thinkers, which is to write an intelligent, challenging, and in its own way, brave book about race and identity; one not meant to fire up partisans but to make an honest attempt to understand our present dilemmas and propose a solution. He won’t convince all readers, and reviewers more data-literate than I may be able to better evaluate the reams of surveys and statistics that Kaufmann cites in his favor. But at present, Whiteshift is the best diagnosis of populism the right has to offer, and presents compelling arguments that defenders of asymmetric multiculturalism should be prepared to answer.
A Different Way to Think About White Identity Politics
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It appears Roger Stone doesn’t understand how much trouble he’s in
Republican operative and longtime Trump friend Roger Stone faced fresh legal trouble Friday after a federal judge ordered his attorneys to explain why they failed to tell her before now about the imminent publication of a book that could violate his gag order by potentially criticizing the judge or prosecutors with special counsel Robert S. Mueller III.
The order by U.S. District Judge Amy Berman Jackson of the District of Columbia late Friday came barely eight days after Jackson barred Stone from speaking publicly about his case, prompted by a photo posted on Stone’s Instagram account that placed a crosshairs next to a photo of Jackson’s head.
Jackson also ordered Stone’s attorneys to explain by Monday why they waited until now in making that request to disclose the “imminent general rel[e]ase” of a book, which Jackson said “was known to the defendant.”
Islamophobic Poster of Ilhan Omar Roils West Virginia Capitol
By Matt Stieb
An employee resigned and another was reportedly sent to the hospital after an Islamophobic picture was placed in the West Virginia Capitol rotunda.
Less than four in 10 Americans thought the Cohen testimony was credible, according to a poll by The Hill
While more respondents said they found Cohen’s testimony to be credible than those who said it was not, the overall results suggest the high-profile appearance by President Trump’s former personal attorney is unlikely to be a political game-changer.
Republicans were more likely than Democrats to say they were unsure about Cohen. Thirty-one percent of Democratic respondents said they had no opinion of Cohen’s claims.
Women were also much less likely to have formed an opinion with 49 percent saying they were unsure what to think of Cohen. Thirty-two percent said they believed him while 19 percent did not.
Forty-two percent of men said Cohen was credible, 31 percent said he was not, and 27 percent were unsure.
Some disabled workers at Walmart fear unemployment as the chain’s “greeters” are being phased out this Spring
Walmart told greeters around the country last week that their positions would be eliminated on April 26 in favor of an expanded, more physically demanding “customer host” role. To qualify, they will need to be able to lift 25-pound (11-kilogram) packages, climb ladders and stand for long periods.
That came as a heavy blow to greeters with cerebral palsy, spina bifida and other physical disabilities. For them, a job at Walmart has provided needed income, served as a source of pride and offered a connection to the community.
Walmart greeters have been around for decades, allowing the retail giant to put a friendly face at the front of its stores. Then, in 2016, Walmart began replacing greeters with hosts, adding responsibilities that include helping with returns, checking receipts to deter shoplifters and keeping the front of the store clean. Walmart and other chains have been redefining roles at stores as they compete with Amazon.
The home ownership gap between black and white families in major cities is now at a 50 year high
In 2004, the pinnacle of homeownership in the United States, nearly half of all African American families owned a home, according to census data.
The record figure, fueled by the housing boom of the early 2000s, was still one-third less than housing rates for whites. But it was widely viewed as a milestone for a minority group that spent generations largely shut out of a fundamental pillar of the American Dream.
Yet, over the past decade, the real estate fortunes for African Americans have reversed course. Despite a strengthening economy, including record low unemployment and higher wages for black workers, homeownership levels for that group have dropped incrementally almost every year since 2004.
Researchers at the Urban Institute found large disparities between the homeownership rates of black families and white families in all 100 of the cities with the largest black populations, pushing the housing gap between the two groups to its highest in more than 50 years.
Paul Manafort with the aggressive pre-sentencing strategy
Manafort and his lawyers have used pre-sentencing memos not only to lobby for a lower prison sentence, but also to criticize the special counsel’s office — something they’ve had limited opportunities to do, given a gag order imposed early on. In a sentencing memo filed Friday in Manafort’s case in federal court in Virginia, his lawyers wrote that Mueller had unfairly impugned Manafort’s character.
“The Special Counsel’s strategy in bringing charges against Mr. Manafort had nothing to do with the Special Counsel’s core mandate — Russian collusion — but was instead designed to ‘tighten the screws’ in an effort to compel Mr. Manafort to cooperate and provide incriminating information about others,” his lawyers wrote, quoting language Manafort’s judge in Virginia, US District Judge T.S. Ellis III, had previously used to question the special counsel’s office’s motivations.
Meanwhile, the Miami Herald intends to unseal court documents related to the original Epstein case
A tragic uptick in bicycle fatalities in Brooklyn, despite Mayor de Blasio’s signature Vision 2020 campaign
A tanker truck driver fatally struck a 25-year-old cyclist in Williamsburg on Thursday night. The driver fled the scene, police said, and had not been located as of Friday morning.
The tragedy marks at least the fifth cyclist to be killed this year—compared to 10 cyclist deaths in all of 2018—and the fourth to be killed in Brooklyn. Cyclist injuries appear to up as well: according to data maintained by NYPD, there have been 379 cyclist injuries in 2019, compared to 351 at this point last year.
The stretch of Broadway near the Williamsburg has long been a dangerous corridor for pedestrians and cyclists. An analysis released last summer by the website Localize.city found that Williamsburg had the highest number of crashes involving pedestrians and cyclists in the city; a more recent report found that three of the city’s most dangerous intersections for cyclists were in the vicinity of the Williamsburg Bridge.
Could we finally see Trump’s tax returns?
The top tax-writing committee in the House is readying a request for years of President Donald Trump’s personal tax returns that is expected to land at the Internal Revenue Service as early as the next few weeks, according to congressional aides involved in the process. And Democrats are prepared to “take all necessary steps,” including litigation, in order to obtain them.
Ways and Means Committee Chairman Richard Neal, D-Mass., has asked the committee’s attorneys to prepare the request, according to two aides involved in the process. Neal has also contacted the chairs of several other House investigative committees, including Oversight and Government Reform, Financial Services, Intelligence and Judiciary, asking them to provide detailed arguments for why they need the president’s tax returns to conduct their probes.
Ways and Means is the only congressional committee with the authority to directly make the request for Trump’s returns. Treasury Secretary Steven Mnuchin, whose department has authority over the IRS, will decide whether or not to grant the request.
HUD has been negligent on carbon monoxide
NBC News has found 11 deaths from carbon monoxide poisoning in HUD housing since 2003, based on local news reports.
Public housing residents are particularly vulnerable to carbon monoxide. High levels of the gas are more likely to harm the very young and the very old, and most of the 4.6 million familiesreceiving HUD rental assistance are elderly, disabled or families with young children. Acute exposure to the gas can cause permanent brain damage, among other long-term health problems, and at high levels it can kill in minutes.
But despite the clear hazards of carbon monoxide, HUD has been slow to act, public health experts and housing advocates say. HUD’s efforts to tighten federal carbon monoxide protections have been mired in a confusing patchwork of federal inspection standards and a slow-moving effort to reform them, according to an NBC News review of federal protocols and interviews with more than a dozen housing officials, industry groups and public health experts.
Oh great, everyone wanted more of this
Bernie Sanders and Hillary Clinton are tiffing again.
Almost three years after their Democratic primary came to an end, it’s clear that tensions are still raw for some in both camps as the Vermont independent senator embarks on his second presidential campaign.
The week began with Sanders and Clinton allies hurling invective at each other through the press over a Politico story about the private jets Sanders requested from Clinton’s camp when he stumped for her in the 2016 general election.
In the story, a former Clinton aide derided Sanders as “his Royal Majesty King Bernie Sanders” while a former Sanders aide called Clintonworld “some of the biggest a–holes in American politics” — and those were just the on-the-record quotes that sources were willing to put their name to.
The week ended Friday with Clinton’s spokesperson firing back at Sanders after he said he has no interest in seeking any advice from Democrats’ most recent presidential nominee.
Will anyone vote for the climate candidate?
Today, Washington governor Jay Inslee announced that’s jumping into the extremely crowded field of Democrats running in 2020. He’s distinguishing himself from the rest of the field by focusing like a laser on one issue: climate change. Is he actually the only sane person here, as Eric (kind of) argued, and we’re all the crazy ones?
Given the vast gap between the two parties on this subject, you could make a case that any Democrat would pull the earth back from the precipice. And it’s unclear how many Democratic primary voters believe climate change is like slavery extension in 1860 or the League of Nations in 1920–a paradigm-shifting issue that makes nothing else really matter. I guess maybe the better analogy might be the Great Depression in 1932, though again, not sure that’s how primary voters will see it.
I think that the experience of the Obama administration — in which health care was put in front of climate on the legislative calendar, ultimately resulting in cap-and-trade’s failure — suggests that issue prioritization can make a big substantive difference. And so (as I wrote this morning) I think Inslee’s promise to both prioritize climate legislation and push for the filibuster’s abolition makes him the most reality-based candidate than any other in the field. But reality and “political reality” are two different things. And there’s a reason no other candidate has put the abstraction of climate over the concrete challenges of rising medical costs and stagnant wages. There’s little evidence that a significant faction of voters is energized by the topic.
I’ll ask Eric this: does the major publicity (much of it from Republicans demonizing it) the Green New Deal is getting help or hurt Inslee’s candidacy? On the one hand, it reflects the same sense of urgency he’s conveying. But on the other it provides a convenient touchstone for other Democrats to cite (even if the only endorse it as aspirational) before they go back to talking about health care or wages.
I think it probably doesn’t help much, in part for the reason you stated, in part because I just don’t think Inslee is a viable contender
There’s no question that if he were running a standard-brand campaign, he’d be at the very most an afterthought, at least at this stage of the cycle. He just has a very low national profile. At least the media now have a reason to think about him.
Yep. He doesn’t exactly exude charisma in his announcement video either. And his logo looks like that of an evil corporation in a satirical film.
I’m guessing Inslee knows he can’t win. But simply by running as the climate candidate, isn’t he highlighting this existential threat to humanity in a way that might be helpful for Democrats?
Not if he finishes 23d in every primary.
I did a piece in January that looked at the recent history of single-issue candidates. Doesn’t augur well for Inslee. The most recent example, Lawerence Lessig, did not really succeed in elevating campaign finance reform as an issue.
Though climate change is of a different magnitude, and is central to the party’s big ambitions if it takes power.
I am very glad Inslee is running. I think that he should be able to at least make it into the early debates, and having a climate candidate on stage could have a beneficent influence on the other candidates
You’re probably right, but will he come across as a tedious Cassandra?
It’s possible to be a thrilling and chilling Cassandra, I’d say….
I think he might just get lost in the mix. Tey’re going to have ten people on the stage each night, apparently; don’t think he’ll get to talk long enough to be tedious.
Yep, that’s the plan. And if the 2016 GOP debates are any indication, they won’t really give him equal time. So he can just croak out “climate change!” a few times or try to throw a bomb, holding up pictures of Miami disappearing in the ocean or something.
The biggest problem is that the general public is a long way from grasping some of the more terrifying implications of climate change. An important secondary problem is that Americans aren’t great about making sacrifices now to head off big dangers down the road. There’s a reason the green agenda often gets stalled at higher gasoline prices.
Maybe a candidacy like Inslee’s is helpful in moving that public understanding along, but that’s not entirely clear, is it?
And a third is that the incentives of our political system (or really any electoral democracy) militate against imposing short-term pain on your constituents for longterm benefit.
Other than that, we’re in the clear.
He needs to begin every public utterance with the words: “As my friend Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez likes to say….”
Maybe he can obtain charisma by association.
the city politic
Even Our Dog Parks Show America Is an Unequal Playing Field
By Sarah Jones
All dogs may go to heaven, but lower-income canine lovers have found that not every dog gets to enjoy a ritzy outdoor space.
Trump: What I said on tape was not what I meant
I never like being misinterpreted, but especially when it comes to Otto Warmbier and his great family. Remember, I got Otto out along with three others. The previous Administration did nothing, and he was taken on their watch. Of course I hold North Korea responsible….
….for Otto’s mistreatment and death. Most important, Otto Warmbier will not have died in vain. Otto and his family have become a tremendous symbol of strong passion and strength, which will last for many years into the future. I love Otto and think of him often!
Kim Jong-un gets a major win. Does Trump get anything in return?
And now for something on the lighter side
Pelosi, AOC Warn Moderate Democrats to Stop Voting With the GOP
By Ed Kilgore
The spat over gun-vote defections shows Pelosi may have to choose between imposing party discipline on moderates, or moving fewer “messaging” bills.
It’s a small sample size, but encouraging news for Chicago nonetheless
There has been a 44 percent decline in the number of homicides in Chicago in the first two months of 2019 as compared to the same period in 2018, the Chicago Police Department (CPD) said in a statement on Friday.
“In fact, February year-to-date homicides posted five-year lows,” the statement reads, “and four districts … have had no murders this year.”
From Jan. 1 to Feb. 28, 2019, there were 44 murders, police reported, compared to 80 in the same period in 2018. This is down from 101 in 2017 and 99 in 2016.
what the right is reading
what the right is reading
A Different Way to Think About White Identity Politics
By Park MacDougald
Right-wing populism is on the rise. A new book argues this dangerous political force can be tamed by finding healthy outlets for some of its impulses.
Sure, what’s another candidate?
Lyft, Which Lost Almost $1 Billion Last Year, Files to Go Public
By Brian Feldman
The rideshare app’s public offering is the first big one of 2019.
Jay Inslee Is the Democratic Party’s Sanest 2020 Candidate
By Eric Levitz
He’s the only one promising to prioritize climate. That makes him exceptionally rational — and an almost certain loser.
the national circus
the national circus
Are Foreign Countries Benefiting From Jared Kushner’s Security Clearance?
By Frank Rich
The revelation that Trump ordered clearance for his son-in-law raises questions about what interests Kushner is really looking out for.
Amazon is coming for Kroger and its ilk
Amazon.com Inc. is planning to open dozens of grocery stores in several major U.S. cities, according to people familiar with the matter, as the retail giant looks to broaden its reach in the food business.
The company plans to open its first grocery store in Los Angeles as early as the end of the year, one person said. Amazon has already signed leases for at least two other grocery locations with openings planned for early next year, this person said.
The new stores would be distinct from the company’s upscale Whole Foods Market brand, though it is unclear whether the new grocery chain would carry the Amazon name.
The new stores would be distinct from the company’s upscale Whole Foods Market brand, though it is unclear whether the new grocery chain would carry the Amazon name.
Amazon is also exploring an acquisition strategy to widen the new supermarket brand by purchasing regional grocery chains with about a dozen stores under operation, one person said.
Bernie sidesteps what has become a hot-button issue on the campaign trail
Jay Inslee’s logo has kind of a sinister feel to it
The effects of the pointless government shutdown are still being felt
More than a month after the longest government shutdown in US history ended, a significant number of Transportation Security Administration employees still have not received all of the back-pay they are owed.
The delay has been caused in part due to an unusual move during the shutdown to pay a partial paycheck to workers in order to help keep them on the job. TSA Administrator David Pekoske told employees at the time the decision was to “alleviate some of the financial hardship many of you are facing.” Hundreds of TSA workers called out from work during the shutdown and officials from the national TSA employee union said many of the callouts were due to financial hardship.
According to a source with knowledge of the situation who was not authorized to speak to the media, more than 1,000 TSA employees are still waiting to be paid in full. The exact number is unclear as employees continue to come forward with complaints that they are still owed money from the shutdown.